Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 1035 - 49, Complex Russian Politics

Chapter 1035: Chapter 49, Complex Russian Politics

“For Franz, problems were never-ending—unless you ignored them, then they ceased to be problems.

France was in chaos, which indeed was big news for the media, but for the Holy Roman Empire, it was hardly a minor cold.

Since it was the Russians who had caused the trouble, it was left to the Tsarist Government to resolve. After all, since Shinra did not have troops stationed on French soil, even if the battle turned bloody, the Vienna Government wouldn’t worry.

The only trouble might be international public opinion, which could be unfavorable. However, times had changed, and as the leader of the Continental Alliance, the resilience of the Vienna Government had strengthened significantly.

Now the chaos was not caused by the Shinra Army. Even if public opinion criticized, the worst it could accuse the Vienna Government of was “inaction.”

Inaction wasn’t a crime, and a look at recent history would show that this policy of inaction by the Vienna Government had continued for many years.

...

For the governments of European nations, having an active leader atop was far scarier than a passive one. If the Vienna Government meddled in everything, the Continental Alliance probably wouldn’t be as stable as it was now.

Similar to later times, if the United States Government suddenly stopped meddling and managing affairs, countries around the world would celebrate rather than criticize the Americans for inaction.

The main reason one is criticized for inaction is because of involving oneself in every trivial issue, but withdrawing and refusing responsibility when crucial.

Although the situation in France seemed to be worsening, it hadn’t yet reached a point where it was unmanageable. The Vienna Government not intervening and letting the Russians handle it was technically without fault.

Of course, this “without fault” perspective was only valid from the standpoint of the Holy Roman Empire itself and disinterested third parties.

Those at the eye of the storm, the French and Russians, would certainly not think this way.

Without the intervention of the Vienna Government, the governments of the French-Russian were practically cornered.

Compromise?

If the Carlos Government dared to concede, the French public would dare to swap their Emperor.

Already losing face by not clashing with the enemy directly, if they didn’t even dare nonviolent noncooperation, how could they prove they stood with the French public?

The French government had no choice, and the Tsarist Government was in an awkward position. Nicholas II, who had just taken the throne, hadn’t adapted to the supreme power brought by the Tsarist role before he faced this major issue.

Arguing about who was at fault was meaningless, as delving into investigations would likely backfire.

According to the words from the Russian Army Command in France, this was a French conspiracy, purposely inciting conflict between the Russian Army and the locals, which led to the uncontrollable situation.

Whether others believed it or not, Nicholas II certainly didn’t. French plots might exist, but the primary reason for the uncontrollable situation was definitively not a mere conspiracy.

There was no way out, as damned journalists had recorded the Russian Army’s atrocities, and the photos had already been published; they couldn’t be scrubbed away.

Someone even mailed Nicholas II a video cassette, along with a sincerely worded letter, hoping he would stop the Russian Army’s atrocities.

The letters were one thing; Nicholas II received so many such letters that, gathered together, they could fill several train carriages.

No exaggeration, but if he lived in the twentieth century, Nicholas II could have lived a middle-class life just by selling waste paper from the daily letters he received.

Especially recently, almost every prominent figure in Europe had sent him letters. The polite ones mildly warned, while the blunt ones outright scolded.

Luckily, Nicholas II had good composure. Had it been a pettier Tsar, they might have sent people to kill these meddling fools.

However, even the best composure couldn’t withstand the shock brought by the “little movie.” If not for the distance, Nicholas II surely would have summoned the Commander in Paris to give him a direct reprimand.

He had seen foolishness, but never such stupidity. Being covertly photographed by journalists was barely acceptable. Being filmed on-site was outrageous.

The size of the video cameras of that time wasn’t toy-like; with such large devices filming by the side, the Russian soldiers on site did nothing to stop it, leaving Nicholas II beyond words.

In short, these video materials were considerably detrimental to the Tsarist Government. Recently, after being peaceful for over a decade and finally being accepted into the European civil circles, they were now being kicked out again.

The labels “barbaric” and “brutal” were ones the Russian Empire couldn’t shed for a while. The international image painstakingly crafted during Alexander III’s era was now utterly squandered.

Thanks to the blurry video materials, which didn’t allow for clear identification of the Russian officers and soldiers, otherwise Nicholas II would indeed have sent these incompetents to meet God.

The situation had rotted, though accountability was a matter for the future, and the most pressing matter now was damage control.

Controlled by the Vienna Government, the Allied Forces headquarters directly ordered the Russian Army in Paris to solve their own troubles. Whether the Tsarist Government was willing or not, they had to brace themselves now.

…

St. Petersburg

In the Winter Palace, Nicholas II sat at the head, his face grim, and said coldly, “What has happened in France has severely affected our international image.

To mitigate these adverse effects and protect the interests of the Russian Empire, we must now take decisive actions.

…”

Obviously, Nicholas II had yet to grasp the crux—”international image,” once tarnished, was truly damaged.

It wasn’t impossible to salvage, but it definitely couldn’t be changed in a short time.

Instead of fretting over the international image, it was better to think of ways to stabilize the situation in France. These were the tangible interests.

Nobynonushev advised, “Your Majesty, the Allied Forces headquarters has authorized us to handle French affairs completely.

The priority is to stabilize the situation in Paris. We’ll inform the Commander in France to pursue those responsible once the situation is stable.”

(Nobynonushev: Nicholas II’s private tutor and strategist, Director-General of the Orthodox Church Affairs)

There was no choice, the Allied Forces had authorized the Russian Army stationed in Paris to handle everything with full authority, which seemed like a great trust but in fact, it was making the Tsarist Government clean up its own mess.

The mess had been stirred up by the Russian Army stationed in France, and now with the situation out of control, the Tsarist Government could not shirk the blame, even if it wanted to.

Moreover, the cleanup work must be done beautifully, or else other stationed allied nations, who had suffered undue disasters, would come looking for trouble.

It wasn’t a matter of fear, but everyone was sharing the same pot and needed to cooperate. If relationships were to stiffen, the situation for the Russian Army stationed in France would get even worse.

To put it bluntly, if the French could thoroughly hold out, just the small force of the Russian Army stationed in France wouldn’t be able to control the situation.

Limited by distance, the Russian Empire wouldn’t be able timeously to send reinforcements and had to rely on the power of its allies.

Perhaps the power of a single nation was limited, but the combined strength of these dozen countries wasn’t too far from that of the Russian Empire.

Finance Minister Sergei Witte said, “The director is right, we can no longer afford to delay the current situation.

The Vienna Government has made it clear that they do not want to intervene. The French government has gone on strike, and from now on, all expenses in France must be borne by us.

The longer we delay, the greater the loss to the Empire.

To resolve this issue quickly, I propose that we immediately send a delegation to Paris to investigate the causes of the incidents and coordinate relations with the French government.

No matter what, we must first placate the French government. Only when they start working can social order be quickly restored.”

It wasn’t that Sergei Witte opposed violent suppression; it was mainly that the situation in France was too complicated to be resolved by force.

This 𝓬ontent is taken from fгeewebnovёl.co𝙢.

Considering the financial pressure, it was impossible for the Tsarist Government to deploy hundreds of thousands of Russian soldiers for a major purge.

Since violence was not an option, they had to reason. After all, France was a defeated nation and had to start at a disadvantage.

Foreign Minister Mikhailovich said, “This would be very difficult to achieve. The main purpose of the French government’s strike and protest is to push for our withdrawal from Paris.

However, this is precisely the concession we cannot afford to make. Without our troops stationed there, how can we ensure our war reparations?

And how can we protect our interests in France?

Even if we disregard these, we must consider the position of the countries in the Anti-French Alliance. An unilateral concession by the Empire would put us in a very awkward position.”

Opposing was not an option; the capabilities of the Foreign Ministry were limited. Convincing the French with mere words was an impossible task.

The bottom line of the Tsarist Government was clear; the biggest concession was not going personally to collect taxes, and then, there was nothing further.

Pursuing accountability would also be managed internally, ultimately resulting in a trivial punishment like three cups of fines.

The reason for the punishment wasn’t the brutality of the Russian Army; instead, it was their failure to control the spread of the news during the looting and killings which had put the Tsarist Government in a passive position.

On the issue of Russian Army’s atrocities, the Tsarist Government could not possibly admit to anything now. Even with ample evidence, they could only stubbornly hold their ground.

This kind of resolution would not satisfy the French at all.

To resolve the issue diplomatically, at minimum, a few scapegoats had to be sacrificed to vent the French’s resentment.

Clearly, taking a stance that would offend the military was not something the Foreign Ministry could do.

Not wanting to offend colleagues nor bear the consequences of failed negotiations, Mikhailovich naturally warned beforehand to shift the blame in case problems arose in the future.

With the Civil official group not unified in stance, the military’s presence was even more assertive. Other than violent suppression, taking responsibility was out of the question.

Certainly, the interests of the Empire were important, but personal status and future prospects were evidently much more important. Anyone in the position of Army Minister would prioritize the interests of their subordinates.

…

For the indecisive Nicholas II, the incessant disputes among the top government officials were a great torment. With everyone having their valid points, making a decision was truly difficult for the Tsarist.

Perhaps out of impatience or maybe upon reflection, Nicholas II interrupted the discussion.

“Alright, let the Foreign Ministry first negotiate with the French. If they are wise enough to accept our goodwill, well and good; if the French refuse our goodwill, then let the bayonets make them see reason.”

Diplomacy and military forces were to be deployed together to solve the problem, just as described in books, apparently without any issues.

As for the effectiveness, that would only be known once implemented. Regardless, Nicholas II was very satisfied now, having incorporated everyone’s views, taking every aspect into account.

The only trouble was for the actual executers who now had a headache. Whether to lead with the Foreign Ministry or the military was a question the great His Majesty the Tsarist hadn’t provided a clear answer to.

Despite knowing it was troublesome, everyone present tacitly chose to avoid the issue.

Who would lead not only involved the current cleanup issue but also the ranking between the Army Department and the Foreign Ministry within the government’s power structure.

It would’ve been okay if the Tsarist had directly appointed someone, merely a matter of an imperial envoy which wouldn’t affect the balance of power.

But if someone else broke the silence on this, it would escalate the underlying political strife to the surface, leaving no room for maneuver.

Politically, this was undoubtedly a taboo. Everyone present was intelligent and knew what could and couldn’t be done.