Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 1047 - 61, Stabbing Back

Chapter 1047 -61, Stabbing Back

Whether they could find the mastermind behind the scenes or not, days had to go on. After handling several scapegoats, the “Hadden Incident” had ostensibly come to an end.

Social beatings not only matured people but also could make them paranoid. This was now the case with Nicholas II, whose prolonged failure to solve the “Hadden Incident” caused him to lose trust in the government bureaucrats.

Normally, this wouldn’t matter much, as emperors who distrusted bureaucrats were common. In a sense, distrusting the integrity of the bureaucratic corps was a necessary factor for a monarch’s success.

The trouble was that Nicholas II couldn’t control his emotions. Before finding adequate replacements, he inadvertently revealed his true thoughts.

In this regard, Nicholas II was much like Chongzhen. Trusting someone unconditionally until deceived, only then to swing to the other extreme.

It turned out that the bureaucratic corps were not to be trifled with either. Direct conflict with the Tsar was something nobody wanted to be the first to do. However, making life uncomfortable for the Tsar in other ways was something they were well-versed in.

...

In the following days, messages about demands for autonomy, the opening of parliaments, and the liberation of elections began to appear like snowflakes on Nicholas II’s desk.

…

Paris, Russian Army Command in France.

General Okinets furrowed his brow as he hung up the phone—another call demanding supplies. Lately, he felt nearly driven mad by logistics.

Being directly responsible for the unchecked pillaging by the Russian Army, which led to the uncontrollable situation in France, General Okinets was now in a phase of trying to redeem his sins.

To compensate for his mistakes as swiftly as possible, General Okinets was especially keen during the suppression of the French Rebel Forces.

“Send a telegram to prompt our country. When are our supplies arriving?”

This was a tradition of the Russian Empire; without prompting, supplies would not arrive. Whether at the front line or not, it should never affect the bureaucrats’ money-making.

In an attempt to skim as much from the supplies as possible, the Russian Army’s logistics department had always followed the principle “saving a bit means a bit earned, delaying a day is gaining a day,” in which the bureaucrats demonstrated unmatched talent.

“Your Excellency, the Commander, we have sent seven urgent telegrams to the logistics department and the Army Department in the past week.

Apart from a reply from the Army Department telling us to wait, the rest of the telegrams have disappeared without a trace. Combining this with recent news, it seems a significant event we are unaware of has occurred back home. Without clarity on the specifics, it is unwise for us now to involve ourselves.”

The adjutant cautioned.

Normally, the logistics department would respond to a supply request, regardless of when it could fulfill it.

To now act so negatively and not even return a single telegram could only mean two things: either the telegraphists were neglecting their duties, or there was a crisis within the government.

General Okinets nodded in resignation and said, “Send another telegram and put some edge in the wording.

Tell them if the supplies do not arrive soon and it leads to a military operation failure, they will be held responsible.

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Also, inform all officers of brigade rank or higher to come for a meeting tonight.”

Domestic political turbulence and problems with frontline supply—it was truly a disaster not of their making.

If a stronger commander was here, they might clash with the domestic bureaucrats, and if the issues remained unresolved, then appeal to the Tsar.

Unfortunately, General Okinets, originating from a minor nobility, clearly wasn’t strong enough and dared not thoroughly antagonize the logistics bureaucrats.

However, the logistics issues must be addressed. Luckily, the Vienna Government had sponsored enough potatoes, or General Okinets wouldn’t even have time to think of strategies.

Despite the Russian Army occupying the “wealthy” area of Paris, it didn’t mean they were without worries. If this were earlier times, it indeed would have been so, but now everything had changed.

Unlike Germany in the original timeline, after the end of the European wars, the Anti-French Alliance did not demand industrial goods as debt repayment from the French government, thereby not helping restore their industrial production.

Although the Bourbon Dynasty tried to revive production upon ascension, the internally crumbled market of France hardly had a base to develop industries.

Undoubtedly, besides agriculture and industry, 19th-century Europe offered no third employment option.

With unemployment unresolved, naturally, the economy was doomed. Once wealthy, the Paris area of Paris was now just a giant slum.

Since the defeat of France, apart from a temporary population increase during the refugee crisis, this area had continually lost people.

With the Carlos Government striking, this situation only worsened. Nearly every day, thousands could be seen dragging their families away from this despairing land.

If the locals couldn’t survive and had run away, the idea of locally gathering supplies for several hundred thousand Russian soldiers was a sheer fantasy.

“Understood, Your Excellency,” said the adjutant.

After speaking, the adjutant turned to leave when General Okinets suddenly spoke, “Wait.”

“There’s no need to rush anymore. It’s likely that a major event has happened back home, and they probably can’t take care of us for a while.

Send a direct telegram to the Allied Command outlining our situation and request assistance with supplies.”

Frankly, had there been another option, General Okinets would not have taken this step.

Although the Allied Command was nominally the superior to the Russian Army stationed in France, this institution had devolved into a mere communication liaison entity since the end of the anti-French wars.

While it still held nominal jurisdiction, that was only a political necessity. In reality, the actions of the Russian Army were no longer restrained by the Allied Command.

With this nominal authority, the Russian Army indeed could seek help from the Allied Command. Given the necessity to suppress France, the Vienna Government surely would not ignore it.

But there are no free lunches in this world, and once they took money and supplies from the Allied Command, the Russian Army stationed in France could no longer maintain its current independent status.

If it was only about the independent military command of the hundreds of thousands of frontline Russian soldiers, the financially desperate Tsarist Government probably would have sold it to the Vienna Government already.

Being mercenaries was not unprecedented in history; as long as the price was right, the Tsarist Government would not mind.

The problem was that once the Allied Command got involved, the matter would become complicated. Given that the Allied Command had obtained command over the Russian forces, shouldn’t the command rights of other countries’ forces also be transferred?

Without the Russian Empire, the stubborn leader, other Anti-French Alliance member countries would hardly be able to refuse Vienna’s will.

Though General Okinets wasn’t a professional politician, he wouldn’t have climbed to his current position if he were politically naive.

Relying on his personal political instincts, he knew that once the Allied Command took real control, the consequences would be severe.

Although the Russian-Austrian alliance was true, it did not mean the Russian Empire was also an ally of the Holy Roman Empire.

To ordinary people, it might seem that it made little difference since it was the Vienna Government in charge anyway, but General Okinets knew there was an essential difference.

The former Austrian Empire, though powerful, was not far ahead of the Russian Empire in strength, allowing the two nations to become good allies.

However, things had changed now. Although he didn’t like to admit it, General Okinets also knew the gap between the strengths of Russia and Shinra had widened distinctly.

Was it “twice” as much, “three times,” or even more?

No one could provide an answer to that question. In any case, the Russian Empire was definitely lagging behind.

As an old-school empire, Russia naturally did not want to become a minor partner to Shinra. General Okinets knew that the Tsarist Government had made considerable efforts to escape Shinra’s economic control secretly.

Now, handing over the command of the Russian Army stationed in France would be a political blunder, and he would undoubtedly face repercussions in the future.

Knowing this, General Okinets still had no better options. With bureaucrats dragging their feet at home, if he didn’t find a strong backer, how could he continue to fight future battles?

You should know he was now seeking redemption through achievements on the battlefield; winning would be good, but losing would definitely land him in a military court.

General Okinets did not have a stable foundation domestically, and the Marshal Ivanov who had promoted him had already met his maker, with no one high up left to speak for him. Facing a military court would be disastrous.

Personally, for General Okinets, aligning more closely with the Allied Command clearly offered more security. Leveraging the Russian Empire’s position in the Alliance and the political stance he had taken this time, he could at least secure the position of a deputy commander of the Allied Forces.

With this kind of protection, he would be the highest-ranking officer from the Russian Empire in the Allied Command. If the Tsarist Government still wanted to maintain its influence within the Allies, they would have no choice but to acquiesce.

As for settling scores later, at most it would mean facing a cold shoulder upon returning home. It couldn’t be more than that—otherwise, the Tsarist Government would be slapping its own face.

…

Despite the thorns from the frontlines, Nicholas II had not yet received the news as he was currently busy sorting out internal issues.

In fact, the sudden intensification of political struggles, “the Tsar’s mistrust,” was just a spark that ignited deeper issues rooted in “reforms.”

Since the end of the 19th century, Russia’s industrial system had gradually become more refined, the wealth gap widened further, and domestic conflicts intensified.

Especially after the eruption of the European economic crisis, the Russian Empire, whose agricultural exports were severely hit, saw a surge in peasant bankruptcies, which exacerbated societal conflicts.

Facing these conditions, Alexander III, in his later years, began domestic reforms from the perspective of maintaining his rule.

Regrettably, before the results could emerge, Alexander III had passed away, leaving Nicholas II, who had just taken the throne, forced to carry on the heavy responsibility of continuing the reforms.

Regardless of the reform outcomes, some people’s interests were bound to be hurt. Nicholas II’s reforms were no exception.

In a sense, the schemes that Nicholas II had previously faced were also a backlash from the reforms.

…

Dropping the document in his hand, Nicholas II, discontent, asked, “Are those people from the Local Autonomy Bureau ever satisfied?”

After Nicholas II’s ascension, the liberal faction in county and state management agencies of the Local Autonomy Bureau hoped to obtain greater autonomy to ease the clash between the Tsarist regime and the people.

It was clear that easing tensions was merely a facade; their fundamental aim was to gain more autonomy.

Prime Minister Sergei Witte, “Yes, Your Majesty. The representatives of the Autonomy Bureau insist on requesting comprehensive autonomy, including parliament, elections, legislation…”

Before Sergei Witte could finish speaking, Nicholas II could not restrain himself from reprimanding, “The people in the Local Autonomy Bureau are entertaining wild ideas again. Wanting to participate in national administrative management, why don’t they ask God for the rights to manage heaven?

I hope everyone understands, the autocracy of the Tsarist Government is unshakeable, just like my unforgettable father!

Even if we are to learn from Europe’s advanced systems, studying Austria is enough. There’s no need to keep dreaming all day long.

Wanting state governance rights, wanting freedom, why don’t they open their eyes and see what’s happening to liberal France right now?”

Obviously, with both positive and negative real examples at hand, Nicholas II had more confidence in saying no to the autonomy representatives.

No matter how the liberals shifted the blame, pre-war France was indeed Europe’s freest country. Public participation in politics was also at its highest, often influencing government decisions through public opinion.

However, it was precisely because of this freedom that France directed its war chariot towards Central Europe, eventually sparking the European continental war and burying the once-glorious French Empire.

In contrast, relatively conservative Austria emerged as the ultimate victor, establishing the Holy Roman Empire.

Of course, even suggesting learning from the Holy Roman Empire, Nicholas II was completely unwilling, as Austria and Shinra were entirely different concepts.

Although Shinra was relatively conservative, its sub-states, autonomous cities, and autonomous provinces all possessed full independence.

The autonomy now demanded by the representatives of the Autonomy Bureau was basically a replica of the autonomy in Shinra’s sub-states, only without a monarch.

The sub-states