I Became a Scoundrel of a Chaebol Family-Chapter 504
Han Chae-young and Rachel needed a few more days after that to pin their estimates down properly.
I thought they were prodding me because they didn’t believe what I’d said, or because they were testing the edge of what was actually possible. That wasn’t it.
Their known world was just extremely narrow.
Yes, they’re people who pulled off huge results inside Abyss and the CSA, but ❖ Nоvеl𝚒ght ❖ (Exclusive on Nоvеl𝚒ght) those outfits run on blood-tax money—off-the-books “special activity funds” and the like—so there were hard limits everywhere, and from the vantage of people like Baekseol or Kang Hye-young, who can tap the latest intel and facilities, there were a lot of backward pieces.
On top of that, the scale they could imagine was miles off.
In their heads, the very concept that a private individual like me could move and burn capital on a scale larger than Abyss or the CSA’s budgets—without even a clear external purpose—didn’t exist.
Summed up: they weren’t lowballing me to insult me with a “cost-effective” quote; that really was their best. They’ve lived pitifully constrained lives.
Anyway, once I assigned them a few secretaries and put them in meetings with Kang Hye-young, the focus clicked into place.
Those faces—like their entire lives to date had been denied—were delicious.
— As of Friday, November 20, 2077, 12:00, we will deliver a final ultimatum to Jung Mina, Mayor of Incheon.
Meanwhile, the world was busy turning.
Once when I raised troops to secure Rachel,
and again when Go Minji raised about ten times that force—twice now—the Government of the Republic of Korea, which had submitted, moved in earnest toward separating Incheon.
Behind the scenes they worked up bills and administrative procedures; in front, they put the Ministry of National Defense forward to squeeze Incheon.
The Defense Minister himself went on air and read a proclamation tantamount to a declaration of war, stating that if there was no compliance with this summons either, the state would exercise the strongest physical force it can mobilize (the military).
This is not normal process.
Anyone who knows even a little about how a state runs felt the wrongness.
Even if Mayor Jung Mina of Incheon refuses the National Assembly’s summons, that doesn’t mean you bring in the army.
But it’s not completely absurd either: the National Police already attempted to enter Incheon to arrest Mayor Jung Mina, and a mass of protesters, the Incheon Metropolitan Police loyal to her (to be precise, to me), and the military I had seized by stashing the male knights—blocked them.
Thanks to that, tensions between the two “countries” were razor-edged, and the Government of the Republic of Korea pulled the trigger.
— The horrific terrorist attack last July at Greater East Asia International Universal Elementary School is a grave crime that threatens the nation and the people, and the Mayor of Incheon bears strict responsibility for having stood by while various armaments and weapons circulated on the market enabling the perpetrators to run wild. Nevertheless, Mayor Jung Mina has not complied with a rightful summons, and has even abused powers that must be used for the people to preserve her own safety in a petty manner. To conscript the police and the military—which must belong only to the people—for private use, thereby obstructing the state’s legitimate acts of governance, is clearly... (omitted)
A fairly extreme announcement followed.
The zombie-drug is heavy in it, but the content is just pretext; if it sounds plausible, that’s enough.
Something like: “See, that’s why we went in. Definitely no other intent.” If they can say that much, they call it OK.
“This is the scenario sent from the Blue House.”
“Such devotion.”
The documents Seunghee handed me were a movie-like, unreal simulation.
After the Defense Ministry’s ultimatum tantamount to a declaration of war, Jung Mina, of course, refuses; the militaries of Incheon and the Republic of Korea clash in earnest, and in the process there’s a large-scale bloodbath.
After a period of standoff, a mercenary unit disguised as the national army massacres Incheon civilians and protesters; on receiving the report, Jung Mina rides the citizens’ support and declares independence. That was the plot.
“But if they were going to do it, shouldn’t they have sent this before we started? The detail work is lacking.”
“Perhaps the approval came from... another party?”
“Another party...? Ah, you mean Grandfather or my aunts.”
“Yes.”
Right.
At this scale, it’s not really something I handle personally.
“Whew—anyway, our Mayor Jung is getting a meteoric promotion. You’ll go down as Incheon’s first president and president for life, right?”
“Congratulations, Madam Mayor.”
Seunghee offered a dry congratulation, and I patted her head and congratulated her too.
“I’ll be in your care, Madam... no, Madam President?”
Jung Mina, cheeks hollowing with a slurp as she was giving me oral sex, hurriedly let me go, stammered, and giggled that she should be the one thanking me.
It wasn’t a servile smile so much as a face loaded with fear, terror, and tension.
From the start she’s extremely faint-hearted—she hadn’t even wanted to be mayor—and now president-for-life dictator? She doesn’t have the bowl to hold that.
Which makes her all the more fitting to slot in as a pants-president.
“Time to drink a celebratory toast, deep and hard, right?”
“Y-yes...!”
She smiled with her eyes again and resumed.
A woman the outside world saw as a bloodless, tearless “Jung-tler” shivering like Go Minji and servicing me—that image in itself was deeply satisfying.
After she finished with vaginal service as well and, having received her action guidelines, left, another major report came in.
“The Establishment Committee for the Office of the Special Prosecutor has effectively finalized the decision structure. All procedures are at the completion stage. With your approval, Master, we can immediately constitute the Nominations Committee.”
Perfect timing.
Well, yes, I aimed for it.
Taking advantage of the turmoil, the Permanent Special Prosecutor Office—the core of cores of the Incheon dictatorship, each related bill riddled with problems—is quietly walking through procedure.
The Establishment Committee was actually formed back in June, but things weren’t chaotic then. The biggest thing going at the time was the simultaneous launch of the Peace-Nuri Incheon Party.
But now? Incheon and the Republic of Korea are about to go to war.
Who has bandwidth to care about some Special Prosecutor Office right now?
“Let’s see~.”
Decisions at the Permanent Special Prosecutor Office are made by a vote of thirty Special Investigation Commissioners. The composition of those commissioners is: ten from the civilian judiciary, five special prosecutors, five special judges, five special police officers, and five judges appointed by the Chief of the Special Prosecutor Office.
Thirty in total.
At a glance, it looks very democratic.
Ten civilian judges are included, and prosecutors, judges, police, plus the chief’s appointees are evenly distributed, so the structure appears designed to prevent any one side from monopolizing the Office’s power.
But what if the advisory body recommending the civilian judges is the Cunt Association... that is, a sub-organization of the Incheon Association for the Restoration of Public Order?
And what if the head of the Special Prosecutor Division is my cunt, Lee Na-eun; the head of the Special Judge Division is my cunt; and the head of the Special Police Division is my cunt?
“Special Act on the Establishment and Operation of the Permanent Special Prosecutor Office”
Article 1 (Purpose)
The purpose of this Act is to establish and operate a permanent special prosecutor system in order to establish judicial order swiftly and fairly.
Article 2 (Establishment of the Permanent Special Prosecutor)
(1) A Permanent Special Prosecutor Office (hereinafter, the “Special Prosecutor Office”) shall be established.
(2) The Special Prosecutor Office shall at all times maintain special prosecutors (hereinafter, “special prosecutors”) capable of conducting investigations without sanctuary and without jurisdictional limitation.
...
Article 5 (Arming of Special Prosecutors)
(1) Special prosecutors shall be issued Terminators at all times for the performance of their duties.
(2) Authority to use the Terminator is entirely delegated to the respective special prosecutor.
(3) Usage logs for Terminators and implants shall be stored on a dedicated server separate from the Prosecutors’ Office.
Article 6 (Establishment of Special Judges)
(1) For expedited processing, the Special Prosecutor Office shall maintain special judges (hereinafter, “special judges”).
(2) Special judges shall have exclusive charge of warrant review and adjudication at the request of special prosecutors.
...
Article 12 (Cooperation Orders)
(1) Investigation by special prosecutors shall proceed on the premise of a cooperation order.
(2) Non-compliance with a cooperation order shall be deemed unlawful in itself.
Article 13 (Special Procedures)
(1) In investigations and arrests by special prosecutors, advisement of the right to remain silent and the right to counsel shall not be required.
(2) Where meaningful circumstantial evidence is discovered during investigation, the defendant’s guilt shall be presumed.
...
Article 18 (Immunity from Liability)
No liability shall be imposed for death or injury arising in the course of duty by special prosecutors or Terminators.
...
Article 20 (Establishment of the Special Investigation Commission)
(1) Major decisions of the Special Prosecutor Office shall be resolved by the Special Investigation Commission.
(2) The Special Investigation Commission shall consist of thirty members, appointed as follows:
· Ten civilian judges
· Five special prosecutors
· Five special judges
· Five special police officers
· Five judges appointed by the Chief of the Special Prosecutor Office
(3) Resolutions of the Special Investigation Commission require attendance by a majority of the members in office and approval by a majority of those present.
Article 21 (Non-Public Deliberation)
(1) All decision-making of the Special Prosecutor Office shall proceed non-publicly.
(2) The records thereof may refuse any demand for external production.
Every time I look at it, this ridiculous, laugh-out-loud institution is about to sit in my palm.
“In substance, the Office itself is my cunt.”
With almost the entire roster slated to be my cunts, calling it that isn’t even a stretch.
“Master, the UN-affiliated World Gender Equality Committee has selected you as the year-end Gender Equality Grand Prize recipient.”
“What sudden nonsense is that.”
“They say your female ratio among senior organizational executives is 99.8%, making your gender-equality index overwhelmingly No. 1 among CEOs and institutional heads worldwide—”
“Throw it out.”
“Understood.”
