Chapter 1100: Chapter 109: Thawing Relations with the United Kingdom

Within the world’s naval powers, the British Royal Navy stands in a class of its own, while the navies of the United States, Germany, and France belong to the second tier, and Japan and East Africa are in the third tier. Other navies can be further divided, such as Austria-Hungary and Tsarist Russia, and Spain, which belong to the fourth tier...

However, setting aside the transcendent British Royal Navy, any country in the second tier already holds a significant advantage over other countries in the world, and France is the gatekeeper of the second tier.

Even as this gatekeeper, France’s navy is nearly twice as strong as that of East Africa or Japan in the third tier, illustrating the staggering disparity among world navies. 𝗳𝚛𝚎𝚎𝘄𝕖𝕓𝕟𝕠𝚟𝚎𝕝.𝗰𝕠𝐦

Sivert said, "The French Navy is at the bottom of the second tier globally; our East African Navy should at least push into the second tier. Additionally, the French Navy already appears to have lost momentum in competition with countries like Germany and the United States, making it our best reference point."

Judging by the current economic and industrial development of various countries, France has already fallen behind. The capacity and resources of the French Navy in the arms race are also stretched thin.

If it were the United Kingdom, the United States, or Germany, it would not be as weak as France. In fact, the East African Navy is growing rapidly, and the navies of the UK, US, and Germany are likewise showing no signs of decline in the arms race.

However, the British Royal Navy has a lot to consider; its competitors never limit it to a single country but encompass the entire world. This is why the UK feels considerable pressure, because losing naval dominance would lead to the collapse of British hegemony.

Ernst said, "The outcome of this meeting is already apparent; the East African Navy should at least reach second-tier strength. This is our baseline for future negotiations with the UK. Of course, this standard is flexible, which we can use to pressure the UK into making more concessions."

Even through negotiations with the UK, for the development of the national navy to be restricted to a certain extent, the East African Navy should still reach a certain stage. Its current forty-thousand-ton level is far from sufficient—this is a consensus within the East African government. After all, if naval power is lacking, East Africa may end up a lamb to be slaughtered.

Ernst continued, "Now that we’ve established our naval baseline, let’s discuss which benefits we should obtain from the UK. Everyone, please share your thoughts."

Sivert: "The first issue is South America. South America is the new emerging market anchored by East Africa. On this issue, we and the UK have differences, but they are minor problems, so opening the South American market to us should be a fundamental condition."

"Our industry’s current stage urgently requires opening more markets. Purely exploiting our domestic market can easily lead to many issues, so we need both domestic and overseas markets to advance simultaneously."

"Aside from the South American market, we should also advocate for access to other economic spheres of the UK, such as India and Australia. Our trade with India has always been conducted secretly due to UK restrictions, making it difficult to grow significantly, as reflected in the UK’s controlled international market."

"Therefore, in this engagement with the UK, we may attempt to thaw relations in economic, political, and diplomatic areas, which would be extremely beneficial to our industrial growth."

Though UK sanctions haven’t had their intended effect, this does not mean the East African government doesn’t feel the pain, especially given the UK occupies a dominant position in the international market. The UK directly controls nearly one-fifth of the world’s market share, covering four hundred million people, and can indirectly influence the markets of independent countries in Europe, the Middle East, Central Asia, Southeast Asia, the Far East, South America, North America, and other regions.

The remaining market also faces a situation where the resource is limited compared to the vast demand, given that besides the UK, there are many other world powers and regional authorities, including East Africa itself.

Although British industry is no longer sufficient to maintain Britain’s dominance over other countries, control over trade channels still allows Britain to grant favors sparingly to smaller countries and medium-sized ones, or even major powers, ensuring these countries reap substantial benefits—Argentina, Japan, and the United States being prime examples.

Argentina is the UK’s natural pasture, and Japan is a tool cultivated by the British government to balance the Far East. As for the United States, it has received substantial British investment, which naturally means opening the back door for profit.

After all, the likely owners behind American factories are British themselves; currently, the US industrial scene acts as a proxy for the UK.

It is clear that the UK holds powerful influence in global economics, and East Africa naturally covets this influence, though previous relations with the UK kept East Africa from joining in. Hence, Sivert mentioned seizing this opportunity to thaw relations with the UK.

Ernst also affirmed this stance, stating, "Although the UK historically has held a hostile attitude towards us, this is a political burden for both sides. Therefore, taking this chance to ameliorate relations with the UK is advantageous."

In fact, Ernst realized another point—during the last world war, the United States benefited greatly from its economic ties with the UK. If a European war were to break out without substantive changes in East-African-UK relations, East Africa would miss out on wartime benefits.

Improving bilateral relations proactively, attracting British investment in East Africa, and laying down a framework could position East Africa to secure greater advantages in the future. Hence, this opportunity for economic cooperation with the UK offers more benefits than downsides.

As for the future, East Africa no longer needs to worry. By war’s end, the UK would reach the era of the Empire’s twilight glow, and by then East Africa, along with the United States, Japan, and other emerging countries, could begin activities against the UK.

Even militarily, the situation is mirrored; East Africa is generously responding to British calls to slow expansion of its navy. However, once the European war ignites, the UK will no longer have the energy to bother East Africa.

After all, whether East Africa’s naval expansion is rapid or slow matters little—though it claims to lag far behind other countries, it’s still the sixth globally. In the context of the global interplay of nations, no country can dedicate all its efforts against the East African Navy.

Therefore, in this engagement with the British government, East Africa actually holds the initiative, and reaching consensus will lead to favorable outcomes for East Africa.

Of course, the premise is East Africa finds the right positioning—if East Africa doesn’t follow Germany’s slightly extreme diplomatic approach, Britain remains approachable.

Naturally, East African government confidence is bolstered by significant comprehensive national power enhancement; absent elevated national power, the UK would not amicably sit across the table from East Africa. Everything emanates from strength and position.

With the establishment of the general premise of thawing relations with the UK, Ernst stated, "Now we’ve reached another consensus—that is to reconcile with the UK, strengthen economic cooperation between both countries, and secure more market access."

The East African government holds realistic expectations; substantial cooperation potentials indeed exist between the two countries. East Africa covets the UK market, but similarly, the UK covets the East African domestic market.

Moreover, the greatest foundation for economic cooperation between the two countries is their industrial differentiation. Previously mentioned, East Africa’s primary industrial competitors are the United States and Germany, not the UK, which implies lesser economic interest conflicts between the UK and East Africa.

Therefore, from an industrial perspective, East Africa is currently a potentially high-quality cooperative partner for the UK, akin to the UK’s investment in the United States. East Africa is altogether willing to assume the role the US plays, while in the competition between East Africa and the US, wouldn’t it delight the UK to see such development?